House of Commons - Scottish Affairs Committee: The Referendum on Separation for Scotland, Session 2013-14 - HC 140-I PDF Download

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215062482
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 234

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Book Description
Incorporating HC 139-xv - HC 139-xx, session 2012-13 and follows on from HC 139-II, session 2012-13 (ISBN 9780215052551). For related report, see HCP 542 (ISBN 9780215047489)

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215064554
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 40

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Book Description
In a report published ahead of the expected White Paper on Separation, the Scottish Affairs Committee says that the Scottish Government must meet high standards of accuracy and openness and avoid any risk of using public money to promote a party political agenda. Any document that is produced as a Government White Paper must meet the highest standards of accuracy and clarity, and must be totally honest about the risks, alternative possible scenarios and costs involved in Separation. The Committee is concerned that the Scottish Government has shown a propensity to mislead Scottish voters on the likely outcome of some of the negotiations that would be needed for the final Separation agreement - as well as the timescale on which this could be achieved. Many important questions - like EU membership or the currency - have to be negotiated with the UK Government and others, and the White Paper cannot simply claim that the SNP will get whatever they want. It must lay out all the alternative scenarios that might actually emerge from these negotiations - and their consequences. Particular uncertainties highlighted by the Committee include membership of the EU, currency, and benefits, public services, taxation and pensions.

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 0215072839
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 52

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Today Scotland's interests in the European Union are represented by the UK which, as one of the largest Member States, has the voting power and leverage to influence decisions to the benefit of Scotland. In leaving the UK, a separate Scotland would lose this advantage. A separate Scotland is likely to have its application to join the EU accepted - but not within the self-imposed timetable of 18 months, nor with the terms, that the Scottish Government is proposing. The proposal that Article 48 of the Treaty on European Union could be used to provide for Scottish membership is not supported by any other EU state; senior EU figures have ruled it out and it is opposed by the United Kingdom Government - which would, under this process, have to initiate it. The additional and exceptional demand for the ability to discriminate against UK students with respect to tuition fees would be voted against by the UK Government and is therefore almost certain not to be met. Furthermore, insufficient attention has been paid to the need to negotiate the UK's retention of VAT zero rating on a wide range of goods. As a separate Member State, not only would Scotland cease to benefit from the UK rebate (currently worth in the region of £300 million per year to Scotland) but it would have to contribute to it. In these circumstances Scottish voters need a more realistic alternative perspective of how joining the EU would be achieved, and what its likely terms and timetable would be.

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215047489
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 28

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Scotland can only separate from the UK if the Scottish people make that decision in a referendum. The Committee says any such referendum must have an unchallengeable legal and moral basis, to avoid delays and challenges to the legitimacy of the process and its result. The Scottish Parliament can legislate only on devolved matters, and the Union between Scotland and England is a reserved matter. The Scottish Government has argued that Holyrood is legally competent to set up a referendum but the Committee can find no evidence for this and the Scottish Government has provided no legal justification for this view. Any attempt to conduct a referendum on a dubious legal basis would inevitably be challenged in the courts and could take years to be resolved. No-one should be allowed to use legal wrangles to put off a referendum even longer than is currently planned. The Committee says the best way to ensure a sound legal basis for the referendum is for the UK and Scottish Governments and Parliaments to agree the specific detail of an order under section 30 of the Scotland Act 1998 to give the Scottish Parliament power to conduct a referendum. The Committee further believes that any Section 30 order proposed by the Government should be subject to pre-legislative scrutiny by the Scottish Affairs Committee and to approval by all of Scotland's MPs before being proceeded with. However, this should not be used to allow those who anticipate being defeated to stall or derail the process

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215052377
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 32

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It is of the highest importance that both sides of the Scottish referendum argument will be willing to accept the result of the referendum - whatever that is - and that the losing side should have no basis to claim that the process was biased or illegitimate. The referendum legislation should be passed in the Scottish Parliament and so it should therefore be given the legislative competence to do so. However, that places a heavy responsibility on the Scottish Parliament to build the referendum bill on the widest possible consensus. But the Committee is concerned that in a number of aspects of the process the Scottish Government appears to be pursuing partisan advantage, rather than seeking consensus. In a previous report, 'Do you agree this is a biased question?' (HC 1492, session 2010-12, ISBN 9780215044990), the Committee drew attention to the unsatisfactory nature of the question proposed, but the Scottish Government is persisting with it. The Committee says that despite the real difficulties caused by prolonged delay, the Scottish Government is insisting on holding the referendum as late as possible. Despite agreeing to the impartial oversight of the Electoral Commission, it has refused to commit to be bound by the decisions of this neutral referee. Also, the rules around donations should follow the PPERA framework, and no foreign donations should be allowed

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215041777
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 40

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This report states the six main areas of the proposed referendum where Secretary of State for Scotland Rt Hon Michael Moore has identified clarification is required: bank regulation; pension payments; the national currency; membership of international organisations; Scotland's defences; and costs of separation. The Committee asked members of the public to submit their questions on what matters need to be clarified on these very broad themes, and what additional questions need to be resolved. In addition the Daily Record launched a campaign in support of the inquiry and its readers have also submitted a series of questions. All the questions received so far are published with this report, and will form the basis of the inquiry. Many relate to specific policy areas where the answers would most likely vary according to which political party or parties formed a Government in a separate Scotland. While it is fair to raise these questions - they will be crucial to voters in determining which party they might vote for in any Scottish General Election post-separation - the Committee says the main structural and institutional issues, which will form the constitutional architecture of a post-separation Scotland, are more pressing in terms of enabling the electorate to make a choice on how they would vote in a referendum on separation. It is these questions that will be the focus for the Committee. The Committee recommends that as a matter of urgency, the Secretary of State for Scotland: takes responsibility for clarifying the UK Government's position on appropriate matters, by co-ordinating work across the Cabinet; and undertakes to work with the Committee to provide a joint provision of factual and unbiased information to the people of Scotland.

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215044990
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 32

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This report considers whether the wording of the referendum question proposed by the Scottish Government is biased, and what should be done to ensure that a fair and clear question is put to the Scottish electorate. Based on the evidence, it is concluded that the question: Do you agree that Scotland should be an independent country? is biased. This is important because wording can affect the result of a referendum. This referendum must be, and be seen to be, fair and acceptable to those on both sides of the argument. It is essential that the result commands wide acceptance. It is now widely agreed that the Electoral Commission is the appropriate body to regulate a referendum and ensure that the wording of the question is clear and fair. This means an exhaustive process of testing of proposed words and how the options are put to the voters. This will take some time, and therefore it must be started soon. It need not wait until a referendum Bill is drafted but debate needs to move on to the policies and issues of separation. The best course is for the parties to agree jointly what question wordings should be put to the Commission. If a consensus cannot be reached, those parties who can agree should approach the Commission together. Our objective is that all can accept the advice of the Commission on a clear and neutral question, which can be incorporated into the legislative process from the very beginning.

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215069733
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 248

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Book Description
Earlier volumes of evidence published as HC 1608, session 2010-12 (ISBN 9780215044211), HC 139-I, session 2012-13 (ISBN 9780215047519), HC 139-II, session 2012-13 (ISBN 9780215052551) and HC 140-I, session 2013-14 (ISBN 9780215062482)

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215047519
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 152

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Book Description
For related report, see HCP 542 (ISBN 9780215047519)

Author: Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Scottish Affairs Committee
Publisher: The Stationery Office
ISBN: 9780215064615
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 80

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Book Description
The Scottish Government's White Paper must make absolutely clear the details of both its foreign and defence policies. Much of what has been suggested up to now suffers from a conspiracy of optimism. The most explicit pledges made to date include: that the whole cost of security and defence will be no more than £2.5 billion, that personnel in the armed services will total 15,000 full time and 5,000 reserve personnel, and that the defence force will include "current Scottish raised and restored UK regiments". Will we then have a defence force which is army heavy? An army which is infantry heavy? Or will historic regiments be redesignated as platoons, reserves or non-infantry units? If Faslane is to be kept at its existing workforce, how will people be retrained? What costs will be inccurred in the transition to the new Scottish Defence Force? What are the implications for procurement whether or not Scotland gets the assets it wants? Hanging over all of this is the future of Trident. Will a separate Scotland impose unilateral nuclear disarmament on the UK? Furthermore, membership for Scotland of NATO will require not only the unanimous agreement of all the existing NATO members, but also the resolution of any disputes with the UK. The Scottish Government must spell out what wages and conditions it would propose to offer to compensate those who would leave behind participation in world class armed services. The people of Scotland are entitled to expect that those who propose drastic change can explain what the consequences would be.